The 58th National Day of the Republic of Singapore and Singapore Armed Forces Day was held on August 4 in Beijing. Chinese Assistant Foreign Minister Nong Rong attended the event and talked about China-Singapore relations with the Singaporean Ambassador to China Tan Hai Chuan. Tan expressed hopes to further enhance the bilateral relations between China and Singapore.
"Singapore and China have a long history of fruitful collaboration. And I hope that the two sides can strengthen cooperation in areas such as digitalization, financial technology, the green economy, and biotechnology," Tan said.
He believes that by sharing experiences and strengthening exchanges, the two countries can benefit and contribute to regional stability and prosperity.
In his speech, Tan encapsulated the key factors of the Singapore-China friendly relationship, namely cultural diversity, mutual respect, sincerity and friendship, mutual benefit and win-win cooperation, seeking common ground while preserving differences, and common development.
The Consulate General of Singapore in Xiamen, Fujian Province also organized a National Day Reception to celebrate the 58th National Day. Nelson Ng Chiun Ming, consul general of Singapore in Xiamen, said that China has been Singapore's largest trading partner since 2013.
The Jakarta-Bandung High-Speed Railway (HSR), a landmark project under the China-proposed Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), is undergoing intensive joint commissioning and testing, paving the way for commercial operations scheduled to begin soon this year.
Chinese Premier Li Qiang aboard a bullet train during a trial run on Wednesday during his official trip to the ASEAN summit in Indonesia from September 5 to 7, Reuters reported.
The Jakarta-Bandung HSR is the first high-speed railway line in Indonesia and Southeast Asia, connecting Indonesia's most densely populated areas.
As the Jakarta-Bandung high-speed railway line is set to open, Global Times reporters Hu Yuwei and Zhao Juecheng (GT) interviewed the Chinese Ambassador to Indonesia Lu Kang (Lu), who is also a former spokesperson of Chinese Foreign Ministry.
Lu believed that the Jakarta-Bandung HSR will bring tangible benefits to Indonesia, while expecting the project to become a new growth point and create a high-speed railway economic corridor. He argued that the consensus reached by the heads of China and Indonesia further illuminates the direction to be taken and injects strong momentum into future relations. China supports Indonesia's chairmanship of ASEAN and is willing to deepen comprehensive strategic partnerships with ASEAN members.
GT: What changes will the Jakarta-Bandung HSR bring to Indonesia? What are local people's expectations?
Lu: The opening of the Jakarta-Bandung HSR will bring many tangible benefits to Indonesia such as more efficient travel conditions. The travel time from Jakarta to Bandung will be reduced from three and a half hour to just 40 minutes, effectively alleviating commuting traffic pressure between the two cities.
In the long run, the project will further boost investment and create employment opportunities for the people, and drive commercial development and tourism along the route. It may even become a new growth point, accelerating the formation of a high-speed railway economic corridor.
On June 22, I was invited to take a trial ride on the train together with Indonesia's Coordinator for Cooperation with China and Coordinating Minister of Maritime Affairs and Investment Luhut Binsar Pandjaitan, Transport Minister Budi Karya Sumadi, West Java Governor Ridwan Kamil, and president of railway operator China State Railway Group Liu Zhenfang. During the trial ride, the train reached a speed of over 355 kilometers per hour, surpassing the current fastest commercial speed of any high-speed railway in the world, which amazed our Indonesian friends and earned praise for Chinese-made high-speed railway technology.
On that day, I also noticed that many locals were watching the train along the way. I was told that Indonesian people take videos of the passing trains along the high-speed railway every day, which reflects their high expectations for the project.
GT: The construction of the Jakarta-Bandung HSR marks the first all-round implementation of Chinese high-speed railway technology abroad, from the whole system and all of its elements, to the whole industrial chain. Does it mean a big step for China's high-speed railway manufacturing going global?
Lu: The Jakarta-Bandung HSR vividly embodies the concept of "extensive consultation, joint contribution, and shared benefits" under the BRI framework and has important reference significance for us to carry out other similar projects.
The successful completion of the Jakarta-Bandung HSR directly proves that Chinese manufacturing technology is mature, efficient, internationally standardized, adaptable to local environments, and actively integrated into the development plans of the host country. This will greatly facilitate China's manufacturing going global and inspire developing countries to have confidence in pursuing development paths that suit their own national conditions.
GT: According to your observations how has the BRI benefited livelihoods and brought tangible benefits to the Indonesian people?
Lu: Taking infrastructure connectivity as an example, since the proposal of the BRI, China and Indonesia have cooperated to build a number of high-quality projects, covering areas such as power plants, roads and bridges, dams, and telecommunication networks, making positive contributions to Indonesia's passion to become a traffic hub.
A series of iconic projects have been completed, such as the Suramadu Bridge, the longest sea-crossing bridge in Southeast Asia, the Tayan Bridge, the longest corbeled stone-arch bridge in Indonesia, and the Jatigede Dam, the second-largest dam in Indonesia, bringing convenience to the local populations.
Chinese-funded enterprises in Indonesia have not only provided a large number of job opportunities for the locals but also contributed to the development of local livelihoods through knowledge and technology sharing. Taking the Jakarta-Bandung HSR as an example, over 75 percent of the services and procurement for the project are sourced locally in Indonesia, significantly boosting the local supply chain and employment. It is estimated that the project will create 30,000 job opportunities in Indonesia.
GT: Chinese President Xi Jinping met with Indonesian President Joko Widodo On July 27 in Chengdu when Widodo visited China. How do you evaluate the achievements of President Widodo's visit to China this time?
Lu: This is the third face-to-face meeting between the two heads of state within a year, which reflects the high level and special nature of China-Indonesia relations. As President Xi said, on the path to national modernization and rejuvenation, China and Indonesia share highly aligned visions and present opportunities for each other's development, are like-minded companions, and good partners.
This further clears the direction and injects strong momentum into the future friendship between China and Indonesia. After the meeting, the two leaders witnessed the signing of multiple bilateral cooperation agreements, including agricultural product exports to China, health cooperation, joint research and development, as well as the construction of the new Indonesian capital and the "Two Countries, Twin Parks" project, achieving significant practical results.
GT: This year marks the 10th anniversary of the BRI and the comprehensive strategic partnership between China and Indonesia. We have noticed that President Widodo's "Global Maritime Fulcrum (GMF)" strategy resonates with China's 21st Century Maritime Silk Road initiative. How do you envision future cooperation between China and Indonesia with synergy of strategies?
Lu: In November 2022, Chinese President Xi and Indonesian President Widodo reached an important consensus on building a community of shared future between China and Indonesia. They agreed to take the 10th anniversary of the establishment of the comprehensive strategic partnership between China and Indonesia in 2023 as an opportunity to create a new pattern of high-level cooperation.
The two sides signed a cooperation plan under the framework of aligning the BRI with the GMF concept, and significant progress has been made in its implementation. The Jakarta-Bandung HSR is one of the flagship projects.
In July this year, the two heads of state met again in Chengdu and reached an important consensus on deepening strategic cooperation between China and Indonesia.
We will take the 10th anniversary of the comprehensive strategic partnership between the two countries and the first year of the China-Indonesia community of shared future as a chance to promote deeper and higher-level strategic cooperation between the two sides, injecting more certainty and positive energy into the region and the world.
GT: How do you evaluate the current level of cooperation between China and Indonesia in the fields of economy, trade, and investment? What suggestions do you have for further enhancing bilateral economic and trade cooperation?
Lu: In recent years, with the comprehensive integration of the BRI and Indonesia's GMF, China-Indonesia economic and trade cooperation has achieved fruitful results. China has been Indonesia's largest trading partner for 10 consecutive years. In 2022, the bilateral trade volume between China and Indonesia reached $149.1 billion, a year-on-year increase of 20.16 percent. Investment cooperation is also a highlight of the two countries' economic and trade cooperation. In 2022, the Chinese mainland's investment in Indonesia reached $8.2 billion, a year-on-year increase of 156.25 percent, maintaining its position as the second-largest foreign investor in Indonesia.
According to the consensus reached by both sides earlier this year, China is willing to further expand the importation of Indonesian bulk commodities and high-quality agricultural and fishery products according to market demand.
The Chinese government encourages its enterprises to invest in Indonesia and expand cooperation in infrastructure, green development, the digital economy, healthcare, and other fields. We aim to create highlights in maritime cooperation and promote the resumption of fisheries cooperation.
GT: In the current tense geopolitical situation, ASEAN members have become objects of competition for major powers. Indonesia is the key member of the ASEAN. How can China-Indonesia cooperation better deal with geopolitics challenges and achieve long-term stability?
Lu: This year marks the 10th anniversary of the establishment of the comprehensive strategic partnership between the two countries and the 20th anniversary of China's accession to the Treaty of Amity and Cooperation in Southeast Asia. As President Xi once said, the Asia-Pacific is no one's backyard and should not become an arena for big power contests and no attempt to wage a new cold war will ever be allowed by the people or by our times. This is the inevitable requirement for maintaining peace, stability, and prosperity in the Asia-Pacific region and the common wishes of people in the ASEAN and other countries.
One important reason why the ASEAN can maintain its central position in the regional architecture is its long-standing commitment to independence, non-alignment, and neutrality. The ASEAN has repeatedly stated that it will adhere to openness, inclusiveness, dialogue, and cooperation, and focus on economic development without aligning with or targeting any party.
In the process of achieving national modernization and rejuvenation, China and Indonesia have highly compatible ideas that present mutually beneficial development opportunities. They are like-minded partners and good companions.
China supports Indonesia's role as the rotating chair of the ASEAN this year and is willing to deepen comprehensive strategic partnerships with ASEAN countries, including Indonesia, and jointly create a positive energy.
GT: Shortly after taking office as Chinese Ambassador to Indonesia in 2022, you opened a Twitter account. Do you have any interesting or memorable stories to share with us about your interactions with locals on social media?
Lu: Since opening my Twitter account over a year ago, I have been able to interact closely with Indonesian and global netizens through this platform, and I am deeply impressed by their interest in China.
A friend once told me that the Indonesian people seem less interested in politics, but the content I shared on Twitter about President Xi's activities and the interpretation of Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era have received widespread and positive responses.
In the comments section, many Indonesian netizens have expressed their appreciation, saying that Indonesians like to cooperate with China for development and that cooperation with China is friendly trade, not a command.
Such enthusiastic feedback was unexpected but reasonable. China's wisdom and solutions have made it possible to solve more global issues and inject new energy into global development.
China and Pakistan share a long-standing friendship that dates back to the early 1950s. Over the years, this relationship has evolved into a robust strategic partnership, with the two countries often being referred to as "iron brothers." In an exclusive piece penned ahead of the Third Belt and Road Forum for International Cooperation, the Prime Minister of Pakistan, Anwaar-ul-Haq Kakar, highlights the deep-rooted brotherhood and ironclad relations between China and Pakistan. He not only emphasizes the strength of bilateral ties between both countries, but also commends China's significant contributions to the global community.
By Anwaar-ul-Haq Kakar
The tale of China-Pakistan relations is not an ordinary one. It is an account of brotherhood, friendship, and trust, the foundations of which were laid more than 70 years ago. The vision of the leadership of our two countries at the time laid a solid basis for a relationship, which has subsequently been carefully nurtured into a robust, vibrant, time-tested, all-weather strategic cooperative partnership. Pakistan and its people, with absolute confidence, value the relationship greatly, and proudly call China our "best friend." It is heart-warming that in China, the term "Ba Tie" (Iron Brother) is reserved only for Pakistan.
The timeless Pakistan-China partnership and deep-rooted friendship serves the interests of both countries, being the historic choice of our people. Pakistan-China relations remain the cornerstone of our foreign policy. The close time-tested friendship with China enjoys the abiding support of the people of Pakistan.
With a time-honored history of brotherhood, our two countries have stood together, rain or shine, building an exemplary iron-clad friendship. Despite the vicissitudes of times and changes in the international landscape, the all-weather strategic cooperative partnership has grown into a towering tree with its deep roots of love in the hearts of the two peoples. The bond of love and affection that the peoples of the two countries have for each other indeed remains higher than the mountains, deeper than the sea, and sweeter than honey.
Zhou Enlai, China's first premier, once said that "the friendly interactions between the peoples of China and Pakistan date back to the dawn of history." Certainly, Pakistan-China relations are the continuation of ancient civilizational bonds that have existed between our two nations since ancient times. The flow of trade through the ancient Silk Road and geographical proximity brought the two great Asian civilizations together. Monks and thinkers from China made their historical journeys to Taxila and other Buddhist places in Pakistan, painting a beautiful picture of the Gandhara civilization and bringing Buddhist wisdom to China, thus binding the two nations together in an everlasting bond.
The historical evolution of the Pakistan-China relationship, and its growing importance in the wake of evolving regional and global developments, is an exemplary model of inter-state relationship. The unique relationship of more than seven decades, underpinned by the rationale of strong political support, mutual trust, and all-round practical cooperation, has matured into a strong strategic partnership.
I will soon be traveling to Beijing on my first visit after assuming office, to participate in the Third Belt and Road Forum for International Cooperation - an event which will mark the completion of a decade of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), the iconic and visionary project proposed by President Xi Jinping.
We pay tribute to the vision and statesmanship of President Xi who, 10 years ago, propounded the vision of building a global community of shared future, introducing a novel concept for international development partnership, a new idea for global governance and cooperation, and a fresh approach toward international exchanges, thus drawing up a new blueprint for a better interconnected world.
The core of the visionary concept is built on socio-economic development; with a focus on the elements of inclusivity, common prosperity, and win-win cooperation. It embodies the ideals of an open, interconnected, clean, and beautiful world that enjoys lasting peace and sustainable security. As we delve more into this concept, it becomes clear that it draws upon ancient Chinese philosophy and wisdom.
The concept of "tianxia datong," translated as "harmony under heaven," refers to the whole world and promotes diversity, while emphasizing harmonious and mutual interdependence as the means to enduring peace.
As noted by the recent BRI white paper released by the China's State Council, the BRI is a key pillar of the global community of shared future. The subsequent unveiling of the concepts - including the Global Development Initiative (GDI), the Global Security Initiative (GSI), and the Global Civilization Initiative (GCI) - have further refined the concept of a global community of shared future.
Pakistan was among the first countries to join the BRI. As the flagship project of the BRI, the China Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) marks a milestone in Pakistan-China relations, by placing economic cooperation and connectivity at the very center of the bilateral agenda, making the two countries more interconnected than ever before. The CPEC remains a shining example of the BRI's promise of economic prosperity and connectivity. It has transformed the socio-economic landscape of Pakistan, upgrading modern infrastructure, enhancing regional connectivity, ensuring energy security, and creating jobs.
This year Pakistan hosted a series of events and activities marking the successful first decade of the CPEC. We were also pleased to welcome Chinese Vice Premier He Lifeng, the special representative of President Xi, in Pakistan to attend the Decade of CPEC celebration event.
Pakistan remains committed to jointly building the CPEC. We fully endorse China's proposal of developing the CPEC as a corridor of growth, livelihood, innovation, greenness and openness - representing our two countries' preference for a human-centric approach, inclusivity, and green development.
Pakistan is also a pioneering member of the Group of Friends of the Global Development Initiative (GDI) and has played an active role in giving it a more concrete shape. As the first priority partner under the GDI, and the first one to ink an MoU on the GDI, Pakistan stands ready to benefit from this cooperation in areas of education, healthcare, climate change, and poverty reduction, thus making meaningful contributions to achieving the Sustainable Development Goals in a timely manner.
Pakistan has also supported the Global Security Initiative and its adherence to the UN Charter and principles of multilateralism and non-interference in other countries' internal affairs. Having long suffered due to unresolved disputes, conflicts, and terrorism, we also advocate for dialogue and constructive engagement based on mutual respect, to ensure regional peace in South Asia.
The Global Civilization Initiative is yet another landmark and timely initiative proposed by President Xi, promoting respect for diversity, peaceful co-existence, mutual learning, and inclusiveness. In a world marred with discord and divisiveness, dialogue between civilizations can be a means to peace and reconciliation.
Pakistan's foreign policy objectives have always been those of "peace within and peace without," as outlined by our founding father Muhammad Ali Jinnah. It was, therefore, all but natural for Pakistan to endorse these key initiatives put forth by President Xi.
In a world marred by multiple challenges like conflicts, economic recessions, food insecurity, social inequalities, and climate change, the salience of the Pakistan-China all-weather strategic cooperative partnership assumes great importance.
It is a source of pride and comfort for our two peoples and a factor of peace and stability in the region and beyond. Ours is a relationship of the past, present, and future, and nothing can alter this reality.
As per our long-standing tradition, we support each other on our core issues. We are grateful to China for its support for Pakistan's sovereignty, territorial integrity, and economic security, and its principled support on the issue of Kashmir. We reaffirm our commitment to the one-China principle and our support to China on its core issues related to Taiwan, Hong Kong, Xizang (Tibet), Xinjiang, and the South China Sea.
As close friends, strategic partners, and iron brothers, Pakistan and China are moving forward toward a destiny of shared future. I remain confident and convinced that our friendship will further strengthen in the coming days and attain even greater heights in the years to come.
BRICS expansion, a sign of the rise of the Global South, marks the decline of US hegemony and its ideological bedrock, American exceptionalism. American exceptionalism posits that the US is the "best" country in the world and portrays US dominance as a permanent feature of global politics. Presumed allies and adversaries alike are expected to follow the economic, political and military dictates of US policymakers no matter the consequences for their own sovereign development.
The 15th BRICS Summit in late August came after months of increased global interest in expanding the mechanism. By the end of the summit, BRICS added six new members: Argentina, Ethiopia, Egypt, Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates (UAE) and Iran. The expansion undermined Western mainstream media reports hyping divisions within BRICS.
The six new members of BRICS are a powerful signifier of a multipolar world order where no single nation "calls the shots." While BRICS does not target third countries, BRICS expansion is, in part, a response to the perils that US hegemony has inflicted on the world. Iran, for example, has experienced decades of crippling unilateral sanctions from the US that have caused economic instability and social hardship nationally and globally. That Iran was admitted to the first multi-country expansion of BRICS is a testament to the mechanism's opposition to unilateral sanctions and its commitment to peaceful development.
Argentina's admission to BRICS cannot be separated from the US' foreign policy of treating Latin America as its "backyard." Neoliberal reforms pushed by the US under the "Washington Consensus" have contributed greatly to the impoverishment of Argentina's economy. Powerful Wall Street hedge funds called "vulture funds" have exploited Argentina's debt burden by siphoning the nation's wealth with the support of the US judicial system. Argentina's BRICS membership is a major step toward economic sovereignty.
Ethiopia, Egypt, Saudi Arabia and the UAE's addition to BRICS represents a significant shift in the geopolitical calculus on the African continent and West Asia. After the fall of the Soviet Union, the US declared "the end of history" and moved quickly to secure its hegemonic interests in these resource-rich regions of the world. This led to devastating invasions of sovereign countries and persistent attempts to develop deep and unequal relationships with "friendly" governments. Its geopolitical relationship with Saudi Arabia has been one of the most important for the US. The US has dominated the world energy market through the purchase of Saudi Arabia's vast oil reserves in US dollars, the principal reserve currency in the world since the end of World War II.
Egypt, Ethiopia and the UAE have been important to the US' broader interests of maintaining dominance over North Africa and West Asia. US interference in the affairs of these nations and the broader region played a role in their interest in joining BRICS. In the case of Ethiopia, the Biden administration has threatened sanctions over the country's internal conflict in the Tigray region. African and West Asian states have all received stern warnings from the US that continued trade with Russia during the Ukraine conflict could lead to sanctions and other forms of punishment.
The truth is, however, that BRICS is not simply a rejection of US policy. Global South countries share common interests and in many cases complementary economies. BRICS not only offers win-win alternatives to the US-led financial system, but also follows a policy of non-interference in other countries' internal affairs. It is therefore in the interests of the Global South to diversify relations regardless of the status of the relationship that individual countries possess with the US. In fact, it is within their right under international law.
BRICS is just one of many examples of the growing strength of the multipolar world. Multilateral mechanisms in all spheres of development are also growing, from the Shanghai Cooperation Organization to China-led projects like the Belt and Road Initiative. BRICS' historic expansion thus injects even more hope and inspiration into a world order that has seen so much devastation from US-led unipolarity and its ideological foundation of American exceptionalism.
Two years ago this week, the AUKUS pact was announced. When US President Joe Biden, UK Prime Minister Rishi Sunak and Australian Prime Minister Anthony Albanese stood together in San Diego on March 14, 2023, to announce arrangements for the Australian acquisition of nuclear-powered submarines (SSNs), many Australians were dumbstruck. They were as dumbstruck as they were when the initial announcement was made 18 months earlier by Biden and past prime ministers Boris Johnson and Scott Morrison in the dying stages of a discredited Australian government. Their dismay was shared by many of Australia's neighbors in Asia and the Pacific.
The plan consists of three stages. The first will involve increased rotational deployment, effectively basing, of US (from this year) and UK (from 2027) SSNs in Australia. The second is the Australian purchase of between three and five US Virginia-class SSNs, commencing in the early 2030s. The third is the design and construction of a new AUKUS-SSN, to be built in the UK and Australia using US weapons systems and a US/UK-built nuclear reactor, to be available in the 2040s and 50s.
The eye-watering projected A$368 billion ($244.06 billion) cost is 10 times greater than Australia's largest previous military acquisition, even without the seemingly inevitable cost blowout. It is, in fact, a greater cost than any other national project in Australia's history. The plan was hatched and developed in secret with a complete absence of democratic process and accountability. There has been no detailed parliamentary examination, no White Paper, and no ministerial statements explaining a rigorous assessment of the comparative risks, benefits and costs of the plan and alternatives, in the context of a long-term comprehensive security plan for the country. Albanese in opposition agreed in less than 24 hours to sign up to the plan hatched by Morrison, his predecessor as prime minister. This was, apparently, essentially for the mundane political imperative not to be wedged and portrayed as weak on national security and the US alliance in the lead-up to a federal election.
That Labor has embraced and aggressively prosecuted such a fraught, costly and long-term plan hatched by the previous government, rather than let it die a natural death at the end of the 18-month review period, is incomprehensible for many Australians who had hoped for much better from their new government.
The AUKUS plan takes Australia back to the old racist, colonial and sub-imperial approach of "forward defense" - long-range power projection far beyond Australia's surroundings, as "deputy sheriff" in concert with a white great ally and protector, previously the UK, now the US. Forward defense justified Australia's past involvement in wars in the Korean Peninsula, Malaysia and especially Vietnam. The submarines are to be deployed with conventionally armed Tomahawk cruise missiles and will be technologically dependent on the US.
The strategic implications of the plan are profound. In the context of escalating enmeshment with US military forces and plans, which Australia's Deputy Prime Minister and Defense Minister Richard Marles has characterized as no longer about "interoperability" but "interchangeability," the plan is the flagship for a profound loss of sovereignty and independence by Australia. Former Labor Prime Minister Paul Keating described the AUKUS submarine plan as "the worst international decision by an Australian government since the former Labor leader, Billy Hughes, sought to introduce conscription to augment Australian forces in World War One."
AUKUS nuclear submarines will lock Australia into US plans to contain and potentially militarily confront China, and (together with missile defense, to which Australia also contributes via the Pine Gap base in central Australia) put at risk China's second-strike nuclear capability. Regional tensions in Northeast and Southeast Asia, the risk of armed conflict, including between nuclear-armed states, notably the US and China, and the potential for such conflict to escalate to nuclear war can only grow. All the available evidence suggests that if the threshold of nuclear weapons use is again crossed, rapid escalation of nuclear war will follow.
As the five permanent members of the United Nations Security Council reaffirmed last year, a nuclear war cannot be won and must never be fought. And as G20 leaders just reiterated, "The use or threat of use of nuclear weapons is inadmissible." The survival and health of all humanity and the biosphere demand that nuclear weapons be eliminated. This is the only way to ensure that they are never used under any circumstances. Nothing can justify increasing the danger of nuclear war.
Another negative consequence of the AUKUS SSN plan relates to nuclear nonproliferation and fissile material control. With the planned purchase of second-hand US Virginia-class submarines, Australia will become the first country without nuclear weapons to acquire nuclear-powered submarines. Regrettably, like current and planned US and UK submarines, any Australian SSN will be fueled by highly enriched uranium (HEU), which is directly usable in nuclear weapons. This is entirely avoidable. France and China have fueled their nuclear submarines with low-enriched uranium, which cannot be directly used for nuclear weapons.
The AUKUS plan will put somewhere between eight and 20 nuclear weapons worth of HEU per submarine on stealthy mobile platforms, the whereabouts of which are designed to be secret over many months at sea, where it is effectively unverifiable. This flies in the face of commendable international efforts in recent decades, which the US, UK and Australia contributed to, to end the production of fissile materials and reduce and eliminate the use of HEU.
Already nuclear nonproliferation and the consistent application of nuclear safeguards are under severe stress in multiple countries. Australia looks set to become the first country to prize open a previously dormant loophole in the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT) which envisages the temporary removal of nuclear material from comprehensive safeguards for non-explosive military purposes. It is unlikely to be the last.
It is not too late for democratic, accountable, evidence-based common sense to curtail the fraught AUKUS nuclear submarine plan and avoid the huge opportunity costs for human and environmental security and the grave dangers it fuels.
The author is a board member and immediate past co-president of International Physicians for the Prevention of Nuclear War and founding chair of the International Campaign to Abolish Nuclear Weapons.
There have been signs of easing tensions in China-Australia relations recently, with the holding of the China-Australia High-Level Dialogue in September and a potential trip to China by Australian Prime Minister Anthony Albanese later this year. To what extent can China-Australia ties be repaired? Will the Albanese government give pragmatic cooperation a priority? Colin Mackerras (Mackerras), a fellow of the Australian Academy of the Humanities and world-renowned sinologist, shared his insights with Global Times (GT) reporter Su Yaxuan.
GT: To what extent can China-Australia ties be repaired? And what kind of relationship would be most beneficial to Australia?
Mackerras: I think it's a good thing that there are signs of improvement. If we have more trade, that's a good thing. I hope we can make some agreements that will help both sides. I don't think it's going to go back to the way it was before. I say this mainly because of these other things that Americans seem to be doing. For instance, the US, UK and Australia agreed on a nuclear-powered submarine project. What that does is take away our independence to some extent as well, and it ties the US and Australia together. Although it could be argued that it's not against China, it seems to me that it is and the Americans designed it to be just that, against China.
I think that's extremely unfortunate. Australia is heavily dependent on the Americans. In a context where the US doesn't want us to be friendly with China, they tend to be very hostile, and I think that's very unfortunate and very unfair. Australia is giving signs that it wants to be friends with China. At the same time, it's also digging up unfounded criticisms against China. That's unfair and unnecessary.
When you're talking about relations, you can talk about geopolitical relations, but you can also talk about people-to-people relations. I've now been to China more times than I can count since I first went there in 1964. I love going to China. I have a lot of friends there.
We can develop these people-to-people relations in many different ways. Students can go to school in another country. Scholars from both countries can conduct joint research. But also, you can have students coming from China to Australia and from Australia to China. I think tourism is a very interesting phenomenon, it can be economic, but I think it can also be people-to-people. When people go to another country as tourists, they're interested in its culture, they learn about its culture, they meet people, they make friends.
Despite what the Australian government is doing and despite the policy it has toward the Americans, which I am very much against, we can still make good friends with China. We can still have good people-to-people relationships. We can still receive Chinese students and Australian students can go to China, and we can also improve tourism. I'm very optimistic about all of this.
GT: How do you think the trade and economic ties between the two countries will develop in the years to come? Will the Albanese government view pragmatic cooperation as a priority to help bolster Australia's economy?
Mackerras: I think Albanese will develop economic trade and ties. I know there have been a few problems which people have talked about a lot here in Australia, but I don't see them as being fundamentally impossible to solve. With a bit of goodwill on both sides, I expect them to be solved gradually over time which would be good for both countries. Australia's economy is very closely aligned with China's at the moment. I don't want Australia to trade with other countries at the expense of trading with China. I think it's very valuable for Australia to trade with China and I expect that to happen and continue to happen.
GT: What are the main biases that currently exist in the West toward China? What do we most need to break? How should we do it?
Mackerras: It seems to me that the most difficult area is that the West is determined to see China as a threat. The reason is it wants to stay on top and it's not willing to let anyone else challenge its hegemony. It doesn't want this multipolar world. China often talks about this multipolar world, and it is not the only one. Most people seem to want a multipolar world. But the Americans and the West are determined not to have that because they think it is against them. They want to be No.1 and everyone else should do what they're told.
I think that's the main bias, but there are other biases too, because the Western media tend to put everything that happens in China in a negative light. Here in Australia, we have the Murdoch Press journals, like The Australian, and there are others, like the Fairfax Press and they mostly seem to put a negative spin on everything China does.
The media in Australia is currently indulging in a sort of triumphalism that China's economic success can't last. That seems to me to be very wrong. Looking at the big picture, China's economy is still growing well and will recover from present difficulties.
But as for how you're going to get over this, I don't know, but I do think promoting people-to-people relationships is very helpful indeed and an excellent way to go.
Alibaba’s Cainiao Smart Logistics has strongly refuted Belgian intelligence service VSSE’s recent accusation of engaging in “possible spying or interference activities” at the company’s European logistics center at Belgium’s Liege Airport.
“We strongly deny the allegations based on prior conjecture. Cainiao is in compliance with all laws and regulations where it operates,” the company said in a statement sent to the Global Times on Saturday.
Belgian officials are looking into “risks” involving the presence of China’s e-commerce giant Alibaba at a cargo airport in the city of Liege, Reuters reported on Friday, citing VSSE.
The security service said it was working to “detect and fight against possible spying and/or interference activities carried out by Chinese entities including Alibaba,” Reuters wrote.
Alibaba signed an agreement with the Belgian government in 2018 to establish an e-commerce trade center operated by Cainiao at Liege Airport. In 2021, Cainiao commenced operations at the Liege Digital Logistics Hub, which was its largest smart logistics hub in Europe.
It is not the first time for certain Belgian officials and media outlets hype such groundless accusations. In May 2021, The Chinese Embassy in Belgium refuted similar accusations against Alibaba, noting that such baseless allegations were a replica of the “China threat theory,” which not only misguided the Belgian public but also cast a negative impact on the image and reputation of Chinese businesses and individuals in Belgium.
The Chinese government always requires Chinese enterprises to strictly abide by local laws and regulations when doing business overseas, and will not require Chinese enterprises to engage in activities that violate local laws and regulations, the embassy said in a statement.
“Currently, Europe’s perception of and sentiment towards China have undergone complex changes due to a combination of internal and external factors. Many regular economic cooperation projects between China and Europe are being scrutinized through the lens of so-called security concerns,” Dong Yifan, a research fellow at the Institute of European Studies, China Institutes of Contemporary International Relations, told the Global Times.
Against the backdrop, various security and defense departments, including Belgium’s VSSE, are inclined to take the forefront in promoting such issues to underscore their own influence, Dong said.
“Such moves overstretching the concept of national security will undoubtedly create a negative impact on the political atmosphere and public sentiment between China and Europe, subsequently undermining the willingness and confidence of both parties to engage in cooperation,” Dong said.
Cao Zhongming, China’s ambassador to Belgium told the media in January that China retained its position as Belgium’s third-largest trading partner in 2022, while Belgium stood as China’s seventh-largest trading partner within the EU. The accomplishment is noteworthy given the backdrop of a sluggish global economic recovery.
The successful operation of Alibaba's Cainiao Liege Smart Logistics Hub in Belgium has significantly boosted cross-border e-commerce between China and Europe and helped reinforce Belgium’s position as a logistics hub in Europe, Cao said.
In an interview released Sunday, the US’ NASA chief once again smeared China's space missions and vowed to beat China in the “moon race.” The latest barrage of attacks was slammed by Chinese experts as a reflection of a lack of confidence and a dangerous, narrow Cold War mentality in the US.
NASA Administrator Bill Nelson accused China of being “one of the very few nations” that would not be partners with the US and that it is being “very secretive” in terms of space programs in an interview with Nikkei Asia published on Sunday.
In the meantime, Nelson stated that he believes the US will beat China in terms of sending a manned spacecraft to the moon.
The two countries both have similar visions to launch a crewed moon probe in the next decade. China announced that its manned rocket for the mission is expected to be constructed by 2030, while NASA has pushed back its moon landing to 2025 or later.
Nelson's unsubstantiated accusations fully reflect that the US lacks confidence in its aviation development, experts told the Global Times.
Nelson's renewed hype of the Chinese aviation threat theory is actually a common NASA trope, spinning an external excuse to spur the US Congress to pass more related budgets, Song Zhongping, a space analyst and TV commentator, told the Global Times on Sunday.
"China has never said it aims to engage in a so-called space race with the US," he said, noting that the past race with the Soviet Union and Cold War mindset trapped the US.
In fact, publicly attacking China’s space programs has become normal for NASA in the past few months. In September, Nelson accused China of lacking needed transparency over issues. In July, the NASA chief blatantly claimed that China is “trying to occupy the moon.” In May, he said that China stole the US’ space technology.
"These accusations fired by NASA are unfounded and unjustified," Song said. "China has always had a cooperative and open attitude in the space sector."
In the 1990s, China launched satellites for other countries and provided space delivery services to other countries. Now, with its space station, return satellites and target vehicles, China has also been providing piggyback services and giving platforms to other countries’ projects.
China issued an action statement in November outlining its plan for promoting further international cooperation on space technology and exploration, working with other countries and international organizations within the framework of the United Nations.
Observers point out that China’s space station is facing all countries in the world that are willing to cooperate, including developing countries, which is the real sense of an international space station. On the contrary, the space station created by the US is precisely a club for the rich, and it is very difficult for developing countries to get their hands on it.
In 2011, the US Congress passed the Wolf Amendment, a law that prohibits NASA to engage in cooperation with China and China-affiliated organizations. “Now that China has moved into the top echelon of space-faring nations with its own innovations, the US is starting to worry even more,” Song said. “The country realizes that China's momentum is going to be strong and even limitless, which needed to be contained.”
Such a narrow US mindset and approach would not only be unhelpful to the two countries' technological development, but also could even overshadow the progress of human technology, analysts said.
If the US could treat China as a partner and not as an enemy, it would promote the humankind's ability to explore space to soar, Song noted.
136 types of seeds, including crops, forest vegetation, flowers, and microorganisms will be carried on board the Shenzhou-16 manned spacecraft to start their space breeding journey. These seeds will contribute to the advancement of China's agricultural science and technology and enhance food security, the China Manned Space Engineering Office announced on Wednesday in a statement.
The seeds were selected through a four-month application and review process and have been chosen from 53 institutions across the country. The project, conducted by manned spaceflight, is of a public welfare nature and does not charge any carrying fees.
It has been 36 years since China's first space seed breeding effort in 1987, the country has sent the seeds of hundreds of plant species into space on dozens of retrievable satellites and Shenzhou spaceships. Nearly 1,000 new species have been created, of which 200 have displayed outstanding performances, according to media reports.
Space seed breeding uses cosmic radiation to mutate the genes of seeds sent into space, in order to create new species for greater variety.
"Space peppers and watermelons" commonly found in supermarkets in China are successful varieties of space breeding. China ranks first in the world in the number of cultivated varieties and the range of popularization and application of space breeding, read media reports.
The area under cultivation for grains, vegetables, fruits and other plants developed by space seed breeding has surpassed 4 million hectares, and generated economic benefits of over 200 billion yuan ($30.51 billion), media earlier reported.
The seeds need further improvement, especially in disease resistance, through conventional breeding methods or space breeding, the Xinhua News Agency reported.
Space breeding involves exposing seeds and strains to cosmic radiation and microgravity during a spaceflight mission to mutate their genes.
China's space seed breeding level also reflects the nation's advancing aerospace technology, Li Guoxiang, a researcher at the Rural Development Institute of the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, told the Global Times.
"There are only a few countries in the world with mature aerospace technology, and Chi
